By Lukman Nul Hakim

Self talk is a conversation which take place in your mind, it is between you and your self, it is all the comments ‘you’ raise to your self. We are actually very much close with self talk, as we do it all the time. For example when you see a beautiful girl, you will say (in your mind) ‘Oh my God, elle est tres jollie..’, or when you read your exam paper, you will say “’s too difficult, I think I’ll flunk on this subject’, or before giving a speech you will say, ‘I will charm the audience with my words..’, and so forth.

When you are in dilemma, confuse, forced to make a giant decision or about to perform something (especially in front of public), then what you say to your self play a big role in your ability to solve the problematic situation and performance. If positive self talk come to your mind, then you can think clearly, you will be able to perform well, and contrary if it’s negative self talk came out, you will perform under stress, and of course the result will not be optimum.

Positive and Negative Self Talk
There are two kinds of self talk, namely Positive Self Talk (PST) and Negative Self Talk (NST). PST is supporting by nature, it is the willing to accomplish something, the willing to overcome obstacles, to increase self regard. Meanwhile NST is the opposite, it is unsupporting, the willing to stay in ‘safe’ condition.

Why Some People Have Positive Self Talk, While Some Others Negative?
It is energize by self confidence. Those self confidence people they view this world positively, challenging, have to be conquer. And if we ask where these confidence come from? Then it is rooted from your childhood. How your first environment (parents, maid, sibling, teachers, television, etc) treat you, educate you, show you, all play a big role in shaping your mind. They influence how you think about your self, how you think about this world. So, parents be careful..!!

Do You Tend to Have Positive or Negative Self Talk?
Basically we have positive and negative self talk, but it you quantify, which one has bigger proportion? Which one tend to come up more frequently? The more one is thus your tendency. Which one are you??

For The Positive Self Talker, congratulations!! You are on the right track, conquer this world, reach the optimum level of your capability!! For The (present) Negative Self Talker, congratulation that you have read this article!! Now you know your self better, now you know where you can start to improve your self from!! From now on, when you get up from sleep, the first thing come to your mind will be : Life is Beautiful, I’ll do my best in everything today, I’ll conquer this day!!

The Magic words:
.: When you are not sure about your ability to do something, then say to your self
“If other people can do it, so I must be able to do it too!!”


Women’s Reproductive Rights in the Islamic Jurisprudence

Women’s Reproductive Rights in the Islamic Jurisprudence

By Dewanti Lakhsmi Sari
Melahirkan merupakan salah satu penyebab kematian nomor satu bagi wanita, dan dalam kasus ini Indonesia menempati peringkat tertinggi, yaitu nomor satu di antara negara-negara di Asia Tenggara, dan nomor empat di
Asia Pasifik. Penulis mencoba melihat hak menolak bagi wanita untuk melahirkan dari sudut pandang hukum Islam.

Islam exists to protect and free women from a life of torture. The Koran gives both females and males the same rights.
Since the beginning, the Koran has had the intention of treating parents well, especially our mothers. The added emphasis of respect towards our mothers is a result of their experience of pregnancy and childbirth. This is similar to that mentioned in the Koran:“And we have enjoined on man (to be good) to his parents: in travail upon travail did his mother bear him, and in years twain was his weaning: (hear the command), “Show gratitude to Me and to thy parents: to Me is (thy final) goal” (Luqman, 31:14).The verse above is associated with the reproductive health of women, which also forms a part of women’s rights. As we all know women’s rights are a part of human rights. From here, we can see the importance in the need for discussion within the wider community of the problems associated with reproductive health and women’s reproduction rights. Discussing issues like these, also means working on humanitarian problems. What is ironic, is, that there are many cases where women have not received the same rights, or, are able to carry out the same behaviors, as those enjoyed by men. Women tend to still be pushed aside and considered second-class citizens to men. But, at the same time, they must carry out duties and support their households (husband and children). This fact can be witnessed everywhere, especially in villages and kampungs (traditional Indonesian village/quarter). Social events and activities are also evidence to the large number of cruelly treated women in
Violence against women continues to this day and is carried out everywhere, in a variety of ways including physical, mental and sexual violence. Situations of violence like these increase the seriousness and endanger the reproductive functions and bodies of females. An international report states that every year more than 500,000 women die as a result of pregnancy or childbirth, and 70,000 women die as a result of abortion or miscarriage. Seven million babies die every year, as a result of the mother being physically unable, or, as a result of a shortage in obstetric check ups (see Women’s rights, A guide to UN Conventions Concerning Women’s Rights, from the Organisation Jurnal Perempuan, 2001).This data explains how very brittle the susceptibility of women’s reproductive health is, and is thus closely intertwined with the reproductive rights of women. The core of all female problems is the struggle for women’s rights, which, at present is unequal. On a social level, the position of women is generally not considered to be useful, while characteristics such as power and strength tend to be equated with males (patriarchic). Now to look at the association between the reproductive rights of women and Islam, the author will try to explain the view of the holy Koran. This will be done methodologically with the use of fiqh, using the comparison of interpretations by Islamic Ulama and kaidah ushul fiqh, in an attempt to consider the problems associated with female reproduction.

The right to enjoy a sexual relationship

Human beings, aside from being intelligent creatures, are also sexual creatures. Sexual activity is a natural instinct of every human being. Within the teachings of Islam, all instincts of mankind are valued and respected. Sexual instinct should thus be channeled and not curbed. The curbing of ones instincts will increase negative effects, not only concerning a person’s body, but also ones mind and soul.Marriage usually includes a sexual relationship. The definition of marriage varies in accordance with trends and the respective couples view on it. Some people say that marriage is the unification of a male and female and validated by the law. In fiqh, the majority of fiqh experts define marriage as a male’s right over the female’s body for sexual enjoyment. Although the language can vary, there is an agreement among the majority of Ulama that the covenant of marriage gives ownership to the male to obtain enjoyment from the body of his wife. This is because there is a general agreement that the male is the owner of sexual happiness .Islam exists to protect and free women from a life of torture. The Koran gives both females and males the same rights. Women have the right to treat men with nothing but goodness. We can thus use this view as a starting point, to formulate marriage as a legal promise, that gives both males and females equal sexual rights.The right to reject sexual relationsBased on equality and justice for both men and women, the problem of a sexual relationship can occur when the husband refuses to serve the sexual needs of his wife. Ibnu Abbas has said “ I like to dress up for my wife just as she likes to dress up for me” . This expression has the meaning that a husband and wife need to respectively give and receive, in a peaceful and loving atmosphere.


The right to reject pregnancy

Pregnancy on the one hand can form happiness for the wife, but on the other hand, it may also be something that has not been wished for. Aside from whether a pregnancy has been wished for or not, the Koran says that women who are pregnant are always in a condition of weakness. The level of weakness becomes greater at the time of childbirth. Professor Ida bagus Gde Manuaba, asserts that women experience many problems that can disrupt their health during pregnancy, among them are, morning sickness, leg cramps, varicose veins, fainting, and leg swelling .It must be understood that childbirth forms a very critical point in a woman’s life. Risks of fatality exist and can be caused by a variety of factors. The risks women undergo during pregnancy and childbirth, can only be felt by women themselves, as is only women who possess these reproductive organs. The two risks most commonly heard of are bleeding and miscarriage. How wise the prophet was when he said: “there are seven possibilities to achieve martyrdom aside from dying in a war, these include, people that die as a result of poisoning, those that drown in water, those that fall ill with a virus, those that have leprosy, those that are burnt in a fire, those that are buried by scaffolding and those that die in childbirth” (hadith narrated by Abu Dawud, an-Nasai, Ibn Majah and Ibn Hibban, see al-Mundziri, at-Targhib wa at-Tarhib min al-Hadits asy-Syarif, II/335).The prophet thus gives women who die in childbirth a guarantee into heaven. Their position in the face of God, is the same as that of soldiers in fields of war, fighting against their enemies. The prophet’s statement mentioned above is no different from the high value placed upon women who die as a result of childbirth. But, because many people still see dying a martyr as gaining a great amount of merit and the guarantee into heaven, those who are pregnant tend not to feel like they must give wholehearted care to their pregnancy. This is clearly a foolish idea. Results of expert research show that the position and reproductive health of women during pregnancy is very complicated and thus childbirth is a primary killer of all fertile women. The situation of maternal mortality places Indonesia as the highest ranking country among countries of
Southeast Asia, and fourth highest in the Asia Pacific.
The increase in this problem means we need a deeper knowledge and a greater balance between men and women, so that women are able to reject pregnancy. What’s more, women also have the right to make the decision of how many children they wish to have. No person can deny that inside the stomach of a pregnant woman is where a child grows and develops and while males do play a role in the fertilization process, it is the female who must experience the problems associated with childbirth. There is a controversy concerning who has the right over the child. The majority of Fiqh experts believe that children are the responsibility of both the father and the mother; as a child is the product of both parents. Because of this, to decide when to have children and how many children to have should become the right of the wife, but must be discussed by both parents. From here, we see the possibility to increase the decision-making capacity for wives and mothers, meaning their susceptibility to illness or maternal mortality at the time of pregnancy or childbirth, can be reduced.The prevention of a woman becoming pregnant can be carried out in a number of ways and by use of a number of instruments, regulated by the family planning program. This can be by way of periodic prohibition or with other forms of contraception. With regards to the use of contraception, the wife has the right to decide what form of contraception she will use, in accordance with her health condition. It is thus logical that she also has the right to obtain information and an honest explanation from medical experts concerning her condition and choice of contraception. When she does not have any knowledge concerning contraception devices the doctor has an obligation. 

The Right To Abortion

The use of contraception and other methods to prevent pregnancy, cannot guarantee a woman that she will not fall pregnant. The choice for life (to become pregnant) or not, lays in the hands of God. An unwanted pregnancy (due to a variety of factors) can happen and these days happens on a regular basis. In regards to this situation then, can a woman cause a disruption/miscarriage to her pregnancy?As a principle, Islam prohibits in all forms, the act of damaging, injuring or killing other human beings. The Prophet has said:“Do not cause damage (endanger) upon ones self or others”. In a verse of the Koran a similar statement has also been made. Yet, still in our lives we are faced with difficult choices. The issue of abortion is indeed one of these difficult choices. To abort a fetus in the womb can mean killing a living spirit, but to neglect the continuation of life inside ones uterus for whatever reason, can result in suffering or worse, still death to the mother.In regards to this problem, fiqh offers a number of choices. Firstly Fiqh Ulama agree that abortion cannot take place after the fetus is 120 days (4 months). A fetus that is 120 days old, in their view, is already a full human being. Many views concerning abortion of the fetus (before 120 days) do not consider this abortion but murder. While on the contrary, Islamic experts hold a very pluralistic view concerning abortion, before the time mentioned above. Ulama concerning this issue base their view on al Mukminun verse 12-14:Man we did create from a quintessence (of clay); Then we placed him as (a drop) sperm in a place of rest, firmly fixed; then We made the sperm into a clot of congealed blood; then of that clot we made a (fetus) lump; then We made out of that lump bones and clothed the bones with flesh; then We developed out of it another creature. So blessed be God, the Best to Create!”.This verse positions the formation of mankind into three categories: nutfah, ‘alaqah, and mudghah. A more lax stance on this issue has been put forward by al Hashkafi bermazhab Hanafi. Abortion in his opinion can be carried out before 120 days, whether there is a valid reason or not. Al Karabisi from Mazhab Syafi’l, like that noted by al Ramli in Nihayah al Muhtaj, only agrees with abortion when it is still in the shape of when the sperm first meets the egg (before fetus has begun to develop). A more strict view can be found by al-Ghazali from mazhab Syafi’i. He forbids abortion from the time of fertilization. This opinion is also that of the majority of mazhab Maliki followers (school of thought concerning Islamic law), ibnu Hazm al Zhahiri and a portion of Syi’ah. For as long as abortion has been investigated through fiqh literature, there tends to be an agreement of behalf of the Ulama, without looking at the age of the fetus, that abortion can be carried out if the fetus during pregnancy dangers or threatens the life of the mother, and of course that this also has been assured by a doctor or medical expert. This view shows that the safety of the mother is put in front of the safety of the unborn fetus. Fiqh views the death of the fetus as a smaller risk, than that of the death of the mother, because the mother is the originator of the baby or fetus; the mother is already in existence. The mother also has a number of obligations. While the fetus or baby is inside the womb, although it does already exist, it does not represent an obligation to other humans “so if a dilemma occurs, it (the fetus/unborn baby) is considered the victim with the smaller risks.” The view of the fiqh experts above, concerning the motives of abortion, appears to be limited by health and medical indicators. Other motives like social indicators including economic, political and psychological have not yet been given an extensive explanation. But, it is interesting when we monitor that Ulama from the Mazhab Hanafi train of thought, allow abortion without requiring any specific reasoning.Finally, one issue that needs to be emphasized in the relationship between humans is the importance of a relationship based upon gender equality. Islam is a just religion, a religion that rejects all forms of discrimination and all forms of violence. We are born to build and uphold the supreme principles of mankind. All of the prior constructed thinking, concepts and rules in life, should be formulated by the Muslim community intelligently and then applied and monitored to their respective social lives. 




Usma Nur Dian Rosyidah

M.A. English (Prev.)




            The interrelation among patriarchy, colonialism, and capitalism construction are the main ideological, political, and economic structures which often result in women marginalization. In the marginalization, the three are imposed through representing subjectively the stereotypes of the differences of race, social class, gender, and religion.

            This writing is intended to scrutinize complex marginalization of a Dutch’s mistress or Nyai during the Dutch colonization toward
Indonesia. Having identity as a woman, as a Javanese/Sundanese, as a native, and as a mistress of a Dutch or Eurasian (European-Asian) master, a Nyai experiences complex marginalization both from her native society (the Javanese/Sundanese) and the foreign society (the European/Eurasian).

            The effort to free from the marginalization is restricted by the awareness of woman’s identity construction under patriarchy, colonialism, and capitalism. The restriction to speak up against the complex marginalization leads the Nyai to keep silence and experiences the marginalization consequently and passively.


Keywords: Nyai, complex marginalization, difference, stereotype


1.      Introduction

Besides economic benefit as the main purpose of Western/European imperialism and colonization, there are also political and cultural motives behind it, namely representing and proclaiming the identity of Western/European as the leader and the best among other cultures all over the world. Having placed itself as the center, Western/European power and domination is practiced by marginalizing non-Western/European. Said argues this notion as he states:


At the margin of Western society, all the non-European regions, whose

inhabitants, societies, histories, and beings represented a non-European

essence, were made subservient to
Europe, which in turn demonstrably

continued to control what was not
Europe, and represented the non-European

in such a way as to sustain control. (106)


            In promoting its right to dominate and civilize the Eastern or non-European, the Western /European imposes the notion of difference in identity between the two. In this matter, race, gender, nationality, class, sexuality, and religion are multiple sources of identity used by the Western to sustain its control over the Eastern.

            In colonial discourse, difference is apparatus of power will which turn on the recognition and disavowal of racial/ cultural/ historical differences. It seeks authorization for its strategies by production of knowledge of colonizer and colonized which are stereotypical but antithetically evaluated (Bahabha: 70). Thus, the producing of ‘other’ –in which leads to the contrast of Western-Eastern, self-other, colonizer-colonized, master-servant, and such- is done by the process of ambivalence through imposing stereotype of the binary oppositions mentioned above.

            Stereotype as mode of ambivalence should shift from the ready recognition of images as positive or negative to its process of subjectification. In the process of subjectification, the colonizer imposes the bad or negative stereotypes the colonized has in order to justify their colonization over the colonized. Here, stereotype as the colonized is perceived as something that they deserve to have. On the other hand, the colonizer promotes that they have right of domination realizing their racial and cultural identities. The positions to dominate and to be dominated are imposed by the colonizer and then self-imposed by the colonized. Thus, the process of subjectification is possible to be practiced by engaging its affectivity: by proposing positions of power and resistance as well as domination and dependence that construct the identification of both the colonizer and the colonized.



2.      The Phenomena of Dutch’s Mistress

The Dutch colonization toward
Indonesia had influenced many aspects of both the colonizer’s and the colonized’s life. Besides economic and politics, one aspect influenced by the colonization is personal relationship between the Dutch and the Natives. In this case, the personal relationship between the Dutch and the Native could be seen in the phenomena of the Dutch men who had extramarital sexual relationship with the Native women. The relationship resulted in the birth of many children who were mix-blooded of Dutch-Indies parents.

During its colonization, according to Jong (11), the Dutch divided its colonial society into three groups: Europeans (with the Dutch as the majority) who constituted as the upper class, Foreign-Orientals (Arabs, Malaysians, Chinese, British-Indies, and the like) who were in the middle class, and Natives (Indonesians) as the lowest one. More or less, the policy resulted in the increasing number of mistress or Nyai, who were native women who became sexual partners of the Dutch and or the middle class group men.

As has been described by Jong (11), until 1870 there were never more than a few thousand Europeans, chiefly men, in the Dutch East-Indies (
Indonesia). Many of them, primarily the soldiers, took native wives or sexual partners and had children of mixed descent. In 1892, the offspring of European fathers and Indonesian mothers were granted European nationality on condition that they were recognized by the fathers. The terms and conditions to be recognized as a Dutch or as a European included converting to Christian both for the mothers as well as the children and or having European upbringing for the children.

Since then, hierarchy was kept strictly among the groups. The Dutch’s intention to sustain its colonization was carried up by presenting the differences of identity among its colonial society. As the Dutch constituted as White (European), its supremacy then caused negative stereotype of Color/Black (non-European). Representing identities of non-European as poor, uncivilized, dirty, and such led the object to be discriminated and marginalized. Thus, through its mode of representation, both the Dutch and its lower classes kept stereotype they had strongly to position themselves in their appropriate place.

Related with Nyai or the Dutch’s mistress phenomena, such kind of European’s view to dominate the non-European and its attempts to have control of identity of its colonized led to the marginalization of the Nyai or mistress. Having status as a Nyai or a mistress meant that she had more than one identity: a woman, a low class, a native, and a colonized. Thus, she experienced gender, class, and racial marginalization. Her complex marginalization became worst since it was practiced both by the Dutch and the Native.


3.      Societies Which Marginalized Nyai or Mistress

Having status as a Nyai placed a mistress in a stereotyped position. Both societies she had contacts with consider the status negative because of the identity resulted from it. As a mistress, she was a native woman whose place was under European/Eurasian; she was also a Javanese/Sundanese woman whose position was under the Javanese/Sundanese man. The Dutch and the Eurasian preferred to marginalize her because of her race. On the other side, living in Javanese/Sundanese society, she found that her position in the society was subordinate to a man.

First of all, from the Dutch, a mistress’ marginalization had its root from the division of the Dutch’s colonial society into three classes and the recognition of mix-blooded children and the mothers to be European. In practice, in fact, it was not as easy as what had been regulated under the Dutch government policy. Realizing the different origin and identity, the pure Dutch or European avoided the Eurasian to constitute him/herself belonging to European. The pure European kept the identity strongly and put the identity of non-European different from his or hers.

The difference as not pure European and the avoidance of the pure European to accept the Eurasian in practice had caused the Eurasian identity became alienated. For Eurasian, it was a difficult position and condition for not being accepted as European. On the other hand, in fact, the position was not such threatening as there was still racial or ethnic group which position was lower than Eurasian: the Native. This difference in identity enabled them to constitute their position higher than the Native.

In the novel, the Nyai or mistress character is marginalized by both the patriarch and the matriarch, who are Eurasian. The patriarch, Alex, is the master as well as the sexual partner of the mistress character, Titi. Although Alex finds himself outcaste as half European, being marginalized by his European society, and keeps native way of life, it does not mean that he cannot release all of Eurasian identity and thus change it into native. Still, he represents his identity higher than native and practices marginalization, too.

From the matter of different cultural identity and stereotypes, the marginalization practiced by Alex is not merely because Alex prefers keeping his superiority as having a half European bloodline and culture. It is a matter of representation and imposing identity with all the stereotypes and its internalization hold by Alex and his native surroundings. The internalization and self-impose of the native can be seen in the way they address Alex as ‘Tuan Kandjeng’, which indirectly places Alex as a master because he is considered as a European by the native. While for Alex, his marginalization practice can be seen that he has native people as his servants and a native woman, Titi, as his Nyai. To Titi, he considers her as his sexual partner only. Thus, Titi’s position in the relationship is just a servant.

The matriarch, Sophie, in fact she is Alex’ sister who positions herself as the dominant in the family. While Alex can conform the native culture and practice it, Sophie avoid not practicing any native culture but she finds herself practice it. In fact, she is very familiar with and does things related to dukun, slendang, selametan, Tuan Allah, hadji, kampong, and so on. So, denying her hybrid identity, in which she holds European culture but at the same time also practices the native culture, she cannot release herself from not imposing the negative stereotypes the native has. She practices the marginalization to Titi, Alex-Titi’s children, and even Alex.

Realizing Titi’s status as a Nyai and Titi’s origin, she places Titi much more inferior than she is. To Titi’s children who are under her upbringing, it is very often that the matter of their native manner and physical appearances leads her into stereotyping them as lazy and indolent. Since she considers that the children learn laziness and indolence in the kampong –which means when they were under Titi’s upbringing in the previous-, indirectly, it is also the stereotype of the children’s mother, Titi. So, as Eurasian, Sophie marginalizes Titi because of Titi’s identities both as a native and as a mother.

Secondly, Titi receives marginalization from her Javanese/Sundanese society. Besides its position as the lowest group in the social hierarchy created by the Dutch, internally, the Javanese/Sundanese also has their own stratification and hierarchy within its society. In general, The Javanese/Sundanese society is divided into two: the rich who constitutes as the upper and the poor as the lower.

In gender relationship within its members, there is also a division between men and women. The position of men is higher than women. Very often, the men are considered as having more power and high social status than woman. The patriarchal ideology is kept strongly. The society places men as the leaders of the women. So, in the Javanese/Sundanese social hierarchy, the order is the rich or priyayi and the men placed as the first class and the poor or wong cilik and the women constitute the second class.

Besides social stratification and hierarchy, the Javanese/Sundanese also practices feudal system in its economic life which based on plantation. In fact, it was also practiced by the Dutch. Under this system, the lands are owned by the rich. The poor only cultivate or lease the land from the rich with a high tax. Because of it, the landlords would remain rich and the landless would suffer in poverty.

Related to the mistress character in the novel, although there is no explanation about Titi’s family background, it can be analyzed that it seems that she comes from a poor family. In order to fulfill the family needs, she has to follow what the patriarch –her father- order to her to receive status as a mistress although the status was perceived negatively by the Javanese /Sundanese society as its extramarital sexual relationship occurred considered as breaking the Javanese/Sundanese values, norms, morality, and religion.


4.      Complex Marginalization Experienced by A Mistress

At least, there are four marginalization experienced by the mistress character in the novel: racial, gender, social class, and religion. That’s why the marginalization is considered complex.

In colonization, racial difference is maintained as a symbol of social status between the colonizer and the colonized. It is applied through the arrangement of Black, Brown/Color, and White as lower, middle and upper class. Race also implies culture which is asserted in term of superior-inferior. The colonizer often stereotype race with certain pattern of behavior to justify the colonial social hierarchy.

Having racial identity as “Black” in the Dutch colonial society, The Dutch stereotype the Nyai identity as primitive, uncivilized, lazy, dirty, and such. Because of that, the Dutch has a justification to modernize and civilize her. In the novel, it can be seen from Sophie’s intention and the way she raises Titi’s children under European upbringing in order to get legal status as European. The notions in the novel obviously show how the native’s physical appearances, attitude, and manner are considered ‘black’, inferior, uncivilized so that it is needed to make ‘white’, superior, and civilized. However, as the children get black skin from the mother, it is also marginalization of Titi racially.

Second, Titi’s identity as a Javanese/Sundanese woman causes her to be marginalized by Alex, Sophie, and her native society. Her gender, as a woman, is represented as the second sex under patriarchal system practiced by the colonizer and the colonized. Under Javanese/Sundanese culture, patriarchal system hinders the chance for a woman to express herself in an active way. Patriarchal system constructs and represent woman as docile and passive.

For the colonizer, patriarchal system is not alone in constructing women as the second sex. It is interrelated with capitalism and imperialism. The three are useful to gain power over the colonized female sexuality. It is practiced by constructing woman’s sexuality into three ways: first, by giving the native woman image of exotic oriental woman as sensuous, seductive, full of Eastern promises; second, on the contrary, by characterizing the native woman as ugly, smelly, dirty, and such; third, by portraying the native woman as licentious and immoral.

In the novel, the first construction finds its notion in master-servant relationship between Alex and Titi. As Alex’ mistress, she has to serve Alex in the day as home maid while in the night she has to be Alex’ sexual partner to fulfill Alex’ sexual desire. Besides that, as Alex finds himself inferior to the European women, he prefers to have Titi as his partner because he realizes Titi’s natural characters as a Javanese/Sundanese woman who will give him a total service and will never protest her subordinate position. Most of all, it has something to do with Titi’s domestic role as a woman. On the other hand, the second construction can be proven from Sophie’s hatred of real native upbringing of Titi’s children. Since previously they were under Titi’s, Sophie always considers Titi’s children as ugly and smelly. While still under Titi’s upbringing, Sophie’s consideration that Titi never teaches them not to stay naked in front of others and to feel ashamed if they do such ‘immoral’ habit thus can be seen that indirectly, the colonizer associates it to the native’s licentious. In addition, the Javanese/Sundanese considers that being a mistress as licentious and an immoral status of a woman.

Third, a mistress is marginalized because of her social class. As her position in the society is as the lowest, Titi must provide herself to give full service, positions herself as the subordinate and servant, and never opposes against the position.

At last, a mistress is marginalized because of her religion. In this matter, both societies cannot accept her. Her native society doubts her faith. As most of Javanese/Sundanese is Muslim, her betrayal to be the Dutch’s mistress who is Christian and thaat the relationship is extramarital, she is considered doing adultery and thus she is a sinner. On the other hand, the colonizer cannot accept her, too. For the colonizer, a mistress is let in such illegal sexual relationship because she does not change her faith into Christian.


5.      Conclusion

Fenomena panggilan Nyai (Mistress) sebagai akibat kebijakan pemerintah Belanda telah meninggalkan pengalaman ambivalen pada wanita Indonesia yang memiliki status tersebut.  Bentuk ambivalensi dapat dilihat bahwa pada satu sisi, status sebagai mistress membuat mereka mempunyai akses  ke kehidupan dan kebdayaan eropa, dan bebas dari kemiskinan. Disisi lain status tersebut membat mereka termarjinalkan. Untuk mereka, menjadi mistress adalah semacam pengalaman yang memberikan kenikmatan sekaligus  penderitaan.


The widespread of Nyai phenomena as the impact of the Dutch government policy had caused the ambivalence of (post) colonial experience of the native woman who had the status. The ambivalence can be seen that in one side, status as mistresses made they had possibilities to access the European life and culture and free them from poverty. On the other side, the status led them into being marginalized. For them, being a mistress is a kind of fetish experience, which both give them pleasure as well as pain.

Most of the mistresses remain silence then became the realistic attitude since the status places them nowhere. Patriarchy, imperialism, and capitalism will not listen to what women speak up. The native society patriarchal and feudalism systems forbid them to do any protest. As the lowest social class of social hierarchy and as the ‘victims’ of the systems, they could not fight against the systems. Their voice also will not be listened by the colonizer because of their ‘otherness’.





  • Nyai                 : native/colonized women who have pre-marital or extra-marital sexual relationship with the colonizer men; native/colonized women who became home maid as well as bed mate of colonizer men.
  • Complex marginalization           : condition of racial, gender, social class, religion and such marginalization of native women in their position both as colonized women and as women which is done by both the colonizer and their native society as well.
  • Difference         : a notion of the ‘outsider’ or ‘the other’ which is produced through binary opposition in the construction of identity.
  • Stereotype        : a false interpretation of a given reality; oversimplified, rigid, and generalized belief about group or people in which all individuals from the group are labeled with the perceived characteristics of the group.




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Jakarta: PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama,







Linguistic and Communicative Competence

By. Rini Ekayati

Kemampuan linguistik dan kemampuan komunikatif merupakan satu paket yang idealnya berjalan bersamaan. Akan tetapi kadang penekanan disalah satu kemampuan menghambat yang lainnya. Sebagai contoh, ketika seseorang mempunya bakat orasi yang ulung tetapi sangat khawatir pada kemampuan linguistiknya, maka kemampuan orasinya bisa-bisa terhambat. Penjelasan lebih lengkap silahkan telusuri artikel mahasiswi Master of English Linguistic berikut ini.

Linguists are aware of the inter-relationship between language and the society, because it is in society that language has its existance. But they have not succeeded in describing such a relationship. Phonology, Lexis and Syntax, which are objects of linguistic description constitute only a part of the elements in the code used for communication. The meaning(s) of an utterance (a sentence, a clause, a phrase, a word, etc) do(es) not depend entirely on its form; a lot depend on who says what, to whom, where, why, in what manner and in what effect. In other words, the context of situation in which an utterance is said, who said it, and to whom are very important. For instance, the occurrence “Can I have the salt please?” is interrogative in form but expresses a polite request in a dinning room.
Grammatical knowledge is not enough to help us participate effectively in communicative situation. In addition to acquainting oneself with the forms of language, one must know the following in order to communicate appropriately:1. The socio-cultural relation including the attitude, values, conventions, prejudices and preferences of the people who use the language.
2. The nature of the participants which shows the relationship between the speaker and the listener, their occupation, interest, socio-economic status, etc.
3. The rule of the participant, such as the relationship in social network, father – son, teacher – student, boss – subordinate, landlord – tenant, doctor – patient, etc.
4. The nature and function of the speech deals with whether it is a face to face talk persuasion, confrontation, or a casual conversation, or a request informal situation, or a telephonic conversation, etc.
5. The mode (medium) of communication, whether spoken or written form or reading from a written script, or unprepared speech.

Communicative competence, indeed, includes the whole of linguistics competence plus the whole of the amorphous (indefinite shape or form) range of facts included under socio-linguistic pragmatic competence (the rules and conventions for using language items in context and other factors like attitudes, values, and motivation. Dell Hymes says that one who studies language should be able: “to account for this fact that a normal child acquires knowledge of sentence not only as grammatical but also appropriate. He or she acquires competence as to when to speak, when not and as to what to talk about, with whom, when, where, in what manner”. In short, a child becomes able to acquire a repertoire (all the skills, etc that a person has and is able to use) of speech act to take part in a speech act, and to evaluate their accomplishment by others.”

Chomsky believes that linguistic competence can be separated from the rest of communicative competence and studied in isolation but socio-linguist, like Dell Hymes believes that the notion of linguistic competence is unreal and that no significant progress in linguistics is possible without studying forms along with the ways in which they are used. In addition to this, basicall the linguistic competence falls under the domaint of communicative competence because communicative competence is made up of four competence areas including linguistic, sociolinguistic, discourse, and strategic.

For one thing, social interaction is actually skilled work, and it requires effort. It is not in innate (inborn or genetically endowed). It has to be learnt from others. A person who faces to learn and make himself and others uneasy in conversation and perpetually kills, encounters is a faulty person. Dell Hymes maintains that competence is dependent upon the fore features listed below:

1. Whether (and to what degree) something is possible.
2. Whether (and to what degree) something is visible (in relation to the means available)
3. Whether (and to what degree) something is appropriate (adequate, happy, in relation to the context in which it is used).
4. Whether (and to what degree) something is performed (actually done and what the doing entails).

All these show that the linguistic competence is largely a part of Communicative Competence. Dell Hymes’ criticism of the concept of linguistic competence is that it is an abstraction without any relevance to actual use. The same criticism has been directed against the notion of communicative competence. According to Widdowson, if linguistic competence is an abstraction of grammatical knowledge, communicative competence is an abstraction of social behaviour. The notion of communicative competence does not include in its purview (the scope somebody’s activities or influence) the actual procedure, which language users adopt in order to participate in language based on activity. So, along with linguistic competence and communicative competence, pragmatic competence should also be brought into focus.

Pragmatic competence is the one that underlines the ability to use the language along with a conceptual system to achieve certain aims or purpose. And it determines how the tool can be effectively put to use: It is user-oriented.
We can sum up and say that the following are essentially the components of communication that go into the building up of the communicative competence:

A. Linguistic Knowledge and the Para-linguistic Cues:
(i) Verbal elements (sentences, clauses, phrases, etc.)
(ii) Non-verbal elements (aspects of communicative behaviour, such as: facial expression, body movement, eye gaze, gesture, proximity, etc.)
(iii) Elements of discourse and their organization in connective speech and writing.
(iv) Range of possible variants (possible variations and their organizations).
(v) Meaning of variants to a particular situation.

B. Interaction Skills:
(i) Norms of interaction and interpretation.
(ii) Strategies for achieving desire goals.
(iii) Perception or features (verbal as well as non-verbal) in communication situation (situation of communication).
(iv) Understanding appropriateness in any given situation.

C. Cultural Knowledge:
(i) Socials structure.
(ii) Values and attitudes.
(iii) Cognitive scheme (verbal as well as noun verbal) and the cultural transmission processes.

The setting (means: place) of interaction also is an important factor in defining a situation for instance whether you interact someone in the church, a temple, a mosque, a classroom or a market place contributes to the nature of interaction and the variety of language use.

Another concept useful in understanding communicative competence is the concept of phatic-communion. One purpose of phatic communion is to avoid silence because it may imply hostility or embarrassment when it is not required. For instance, pray hall silence may be a sign of respect but when two acquaintances meet and remain silent, their silence may be interpreted as hostility or, at least, indifference. Some expressions like ‘how are you?’ ‘hello’ and ‘good morning’, etc. are highly conventional but their violation affects communication patterns adversely as often leads to discomfiture (lack of comfort) of participants in the interaction.

The concept of communicative competence introduced by Dell Hymes brought about a shift in the approach method and technique in language pedagogy. Linguists argued that ‘There are rules of use without which the rules of grammar will be useless. A distinction was made between the grammatical rules that enable the users to frame correct sentences and the rules of the use of the languages to accomplish some kind of communicative purpose. Some socio-linguists rather some socio-linguistic principles became the key phrase in language teaching.

The European common market gave a fillip (a thing that stimulates or encourages something) to the communicative approach. There was increased need for teaching adults the major languages of the European common market for increased interaction. Wilkins advocated notional-functional syllabus in his book, Notional Syllabus (1976). He gave a course around the uses or functions to which language is put: For example, one lesson can be planned on requesting information, another on apologizing and the third one on expressing gratitude. Linguists made inventories of functions, notions, and structures but they made no the proposal for the gradation of materials to be used. Grading according to functional complexity did not make any sense to them for a simple reason that syntactic complexity and function are to separated or different parameters.

The major distinctive features of Communicative Approach as contrasted to the Audio Lingual Method are the following:
1. Meaning is more important than the structure and form.
2. Dialogues if used around communicative functions, are not to be memorized.
3. Language item should be contexturized. They should not be taught in isolation as in Audio Lingual Method.
4. Language learning does not imply learning structures, sounds and words but learning to communicate.
5. Effective communication is sought and emphasized instead of mastery and over learning.
6. Drilling is not central but peripheral (secondary or minor importance).
7. Pronunciation needs not be native live but comprehensive.
8. Grammatical explanation is not avoided; any device, which the learners have, is accepted varying according to their age and interest.
9. Attempt to communicate needs not to make only after a long process of rigid drills but from the very beginning.
10. Judicious use of native language is accepted when feasible.
11. Translation may be used when student can take benefits.
12. Reading and writing need not weigh for one’s mastery over speech. They may start from the very first day.
13. The target linguistic system will be learnt not through the teaching of the pattern of the system but through the process of learning to communicate.
14. Instead of linguistic competence, communicative competence is the desired goal.
15. Linguistic variation is accepted as a central condition in method and materials.
16. The sequence of units is determined not by the principle of linguistic complexity but by the consideration of content, function, and meaning, which maintain interest.
17. The teacher helps the learners in any way that motivate them to work with the language (regardless of any conflict theory).
18. Language is not a habit; it is created by the individual through trial and error.
19. The primary goal is not accuracy in terms of formal correctness, but fluency and acceptable language; accuracy is judged not in the abstract but in context.
20. Students should not be subjected to making use of language through machines or controlled materials. They should rather be encouraged to interact with people through pair or group work in real life.
21. The teacher should not specify what language students are to use. Indeed he cannot know or anticipate exactly what language the student will use.
22. Intrinsic motivation will spring not from interest in the structure of the language but in what is being communicated in language.

Picture Note: The writer (third from right side) took a snap with PPI Saman Group after performed at WHO Spring Carnival 2007 in New Delhi.

Belajar di Perguruan Tinggi India

Oleh: Zamhasari Jamil Pelajar Ilmu Politik di Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, India. 

The writer gives a comprehensive explanation about Indian education in particular and Indian culture in general. England has left positive trace in Indian Education, and as the result India’s education system has lead India to become one leading country. This article is very beneficial for those interested in Indian education or those who want to study in India.   I. Sejarah Singkat India  A. Zaman Purbakala 

            Sekitar 2500 S.M. sudah terdapat corak penghidupan manusia dengan kebudayaan yang cukup tinggi di anak benua India dengan penghidupan secara berkelompok di kota-kota di daratan Indus dengan pusat-pusatnya di Mohenjodaro, Harappa dan juga di daerah-daerah lain seperti di Gujarat dan Rajasthan. Dari segi ilmu sejarah, tidak banyak terdapat peninggalan bahan-bahan atau tulisan-tulisan tentang zaman purbakala di India.   B. Zaman Permulaan 

Sekitar 1500 S.M. datanglah ke anak benua India bangsa-bangsa yang semula mendiami daerah-daerah sekitar Laut Kaspia, yang dalam sejarah India dikenal sebagai bangsa Arya atau Indo-Arya. Bangsa Arya ini mula-mula menetap di daerah Punjab (India Barat Laut) yang kemudian meluas ke daerah sungai Gangga dan daerah-daerah lain di India. Mereka membawa kepercayaan, filosofi dan kebudayaan mereka ke India, yang kemudian menyatukan diri dengan kebudayaan di India pada waktu itu.             

Lama kelamaan mereka berhasil mencapai taraf peradaban dan kebudayaan yang tinggi dengan menemukan suatu bahasa, yang kemudian dikenal dengan bahasa Sanskrit, yang mereka pergunakan dalam nyanyian-nyanyian keagamaan mereka yang dinamakan dengan “Rigveda” untuk memuja dewa-dewa dan kepercayaan mereka.            Zaman Arya ini menyaksikan lahirnya kerajaan-kerajan di India dan masa ini berlangsung sampai abad ke-7 S.M. Pada abad ke-6 S.M. terjadilah pernyebuan ke India oleh bangsa-bangsa Parsi, yang karena kebudayaan dan teknik mereka yang lebih tinggi berhasil menduduki dataran India dengan membawa arsitektur dan cara penghidupan mereka. Zaman Parsi ini juga dinamakan dengan zaman empirium (Period of Empires) dalam sejarah India, dengan berdirinya empirium-empirium seperti Magadha dengan raja-raja Bimbisaura dan Ajatasatru. Pada abad ke-6 inilah lahir Budha Gautama dan Mahavira. Zaman Parsi ini juga membuka perhubungan lalu lintas antara India dengan negara-negara di sebelah baratnya.            Pada tahun 326 S.M. pasukan-pasukan Iskandar yang agung menyerbu India dan berhasil menduduki daerah India Barat Laut. Meskipun tidak meninggalkan pengaruh politik yang besar, tetapi nyatanya untuk waktu yang cukup lama, mitologi dan kebudayaan di bagian Barat Laut India banyak dipengaruhi oleh kebudayaan Yunani. Pasukan-pasukan Iskandar yang agung akhirnya dapat dikalahkan oleh Raja Chandra Gupta. Cucu Chandra Gupta, yaitu Ashoka menjadi raja yang sangat terkenal dalam sejarah India. Raja Ashoka ini yang secara terus-menerus telah mengalami kepahitan perang akhirnya memeluk agama Budha dan dibawah pemerintahannya banyak mengirimkan misi-misi agama dan kebudayaan ke negara-negara di Asia Selatan, Timur dan Tenggara. Dan dalam masa 900 tahun berikutnya, India mengalami zaman perdamaian dimana kerajaan-kerajaan dapat berkembang, yang pada masa sekarang ini masih dapat dilihat sisa-sisanya dalam bentuk pemahatan batu dan candi-candi.  C. Zaman Pertengahan            

Pada abad ke-8 pedagang-pedagang Islam dari Asia Barat datang ke India. Pengaruh agama dan kebudayaan Islam meluas ke seluruh India dan pada abad ke-13 berdirilah Kesultanan Delhi yang melahirkan suatu dinasti Islam di India selama beberapa abad lamanya. Berdirinya Kesultanan Delhi pada abad ke-13 ini, dalam sejarah India dianggap sebagai permulaan zaman pertengahan dan dimulainya Zaman Mughal. Penyatuan kebudayaan Islam dan Hindu membawa kejayaan bagi India yang tercermin dalam seni, sastra, bahasa dan arsitekturnya. Pada abad ke-13, 14 dan 15 tersebut, India menyaksikan lahirnya pujangga-pujangga besar seperti Amir Khusrau dan raja-raja besar yang telah memerintah India dengan arif dan bijaksana seperti Akbar (disebut juga sebagai The Greatest Mughal Emperor) dan Shahjahan, dua orang raja Mughal yang sangat terkenal. Hingga sekarang masih tampak dengan jelas peninggalan-peninggalan Islam di India dengan terdapatnya mesjid-mesjid dan makam-makam Islam di seluruh India seperti Taj Mahal dan lain sebagainya.           Kemunduran Islam di India terjadi pada tahun 1707 setelah wafatnya Raja Aurangzeb. India terpecah belah dalam kerajaan-kerajaan kecil yang saling bermusuhan dan berperang, yang memudahkan bangsa-bangsa Barat masuk ke India. Dalam sejarah India, Bahadur Shah Zafar dianggap sebagai penguasa dinasti Mughal yang terakhir. Ia pernah melancarkan pemberontakan terhadap Inggris, tetapi pemberontakan tersebut dapat ditindas Inggris pada tahun 1857.  D. Zaman Penjajahan

 Orang Barat pertama yang menginjakkan kakinya di India ialah Vasco de Gama pada bulan Mei 1498 di Kalikut, tetapi ia tidak berhasil untuk menetap di sana. Kemudian usaha tersebut diulanginya pada tahun 1501 dan berhasil mendirikan tempat kedudukan bagi Portugis di Kannanore, Kochin dan Kalikut. Bangsa-bangsa barat lainnya seperti Spanyol, Belanda dan Inggris berturut-turut datang ke India dengan maksud yang sudah cukup terkenal dalam sejarah bangsa-bangsa Barat di Asia. Dengan keadaan yang sudah terpecah-belah diantara bangsa-bangsa di India sendiri, maka orang-orang Barat tersebut berhasil menduduki tempat-tempat penting di pantai selatan India yang kemudian melebar dan akhirnya Inggris jualah yang memenangkan kekuasaan di anak benua India. Kekuasaan Inggris di India dimulai dengan berdirinya English East India Company pada tahun 1600 yang semula lebih bersifat dagang, dan kemudian dibarengi dengan penguasaan secara fisik dan politis, yang mencapai puncaknya dalam pertempuran Buxar pada tahun 1756 melawan raja-raja India. Kemenangan Inggris dalam pertempuran itu membuat Inggris berhasil menguasai daerah-daerah Benggala, Bihar dan Orissa yang kemudian dalam kurun waktu yang kurang dari setengah abad disusul pula dengan penguasaan terhadap daerah-daerah lain di India.            Pada tahun 1824 Pemerintah Inggris mengambil alih kekuasaan terhadap English East India Company dari India dan dengan demikian secara mutlak mendudukkan kekuasaannya terhadap negara ini. Meskipun demikian, Inggris masih mengizinkan berdirinya kerajaan-kerajaan kecil yang dikepalai oleh pangeran-pangeran. Inggris juga menempatkan seorang Gubernur Jenderal di India sebagai Wakil Mahkota dan Pemerintahnya. Ahli-ahli sejarah India menganggap zaman penjajahan Inggris tersebut sebagai suatu proses modernisasi yang menguntungkan bagi penyatuan seluruh wilayah India secara politis dan administratif dan berlakunya ketentuan-ketentuan hukum dalam mengatur kehidupan masyarakat. Demikian juga menjelang abad ke-19 diletakkan dasar-dasar pembangunan industri serta peningkatan lembaga-lembaga pendidikan di India.              Gerakan kemerdekaan dan perasaan kebangsaan India mulai timbul pada pertengahan abad ke-19 dengan meletusnya suatu pemberontakan yang dipimpin oleh raja-raja India pada tahun 1857, tetapi berhasil ditindas oleh Inggris. Gerakan kemerdekaan tersebut mencapai suatu bentuk yang lebih nyata dengan berdirinya Indian National Congres pada tahun 1885 yang pada tahun 1905 menuntut diadakannnya “Swaraj” (self-rule): dari-oleh-untuk bangsa India.                 Kemudian pada tahun 1906 didirikan pula Indian Muslim League untuk menyatukan dan menjamin kepentingan-kepentingan orang Islam di India. Dari sinilah sebetulnya awal permulaan lahirnya negara Pakistan.    

         Demikianlah selama kurang lebih setengah abad lamanya, gerakan kemeredekaan India menuntut kemerdekaan penuh bagi India. Pemimpin-pemimpin terkenal dalam gerakan ini antara lain ialah Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru dan Mohd. Ali Jinnah. Pada tahun 1935, Inggris mengumumkan “The Government of India Act” yang merupakan Undang-Undang Dasar untuk pemilihan dewan-dewan perwakilan di negara-negara bagian. Banyak kedudukan dalam dewan-dewan tersebut dimenangkan oleh National Congress dan Muslim League.              Dan pada tahun 1940, untuk pertama kalinya, Muslim League menuntut satu negara khusus untuk orang-orang Islam.             Menjelang berakhirnya Perang Dunia II, tuntutan kemerdekaan makin mendesak kepada Pemerintah Inggris yang menghasilkan dibentuknya suatu Constituent Assembly, tetapi Muslim League tidak bersedia ikut serta dalam Constituent Assembly ini dan tetap menuntut dibentuknya suatu negara tersendiri bagi penduduk Islam India. Tuntutan kaum Muslim itu akhirnya dipenuhi oleh Inggris dengan pembentukan negara Pakistan. Pada tanggal 15 Agustus 1947, Inggris memberikan kemerdekaan kepada India dan Pakistan.   E. Zaman Kemerdekaan 

            Setelah berhasil menanggulangi dua masalah besar pada awal kemerdekaannya, yaitu perpindahan penduduk secara besar-besaran akibat terpecahnya bekas jajahan Inggris ini menjadi India dan Pakistan serta masalah pengintegrasian k.l. 600 kerajaan-kerajaan kecil yang diperintah oleh pangeran-pangeran ke dalam Negara Kesatuan India, India mulai menyusun kerangka kehidupan kenegaraannya dalam bentuk suatu Undang-Undang Dasar yang mulai berlaku pada tanggal 26 Januari 1950. Sejak tanggal ini pula India resmi menjadi Republik India dengan Presiden sebagai Kepala Negaranya dan Perdana Menteri sebagai kepala Pemerintahannya.             Salah satu tujuan India adalah untuk mencapai kemerdekaan ekonomi yang diusahakan melalui pembangunan ekonomi dan sosial berencana melalui berbagai Repelita yang dimulai sejak April 1951. Dalam masa lebih dari 30 tahun ini India telah berhasil membangun industri-industri berat dan mendidik tenaga-tenaga teknologi yang menjadi landasan untuk pembangunan industri-industrinya lebih lanjut (seperti: mobil, pesawat terbang, tank dan persenjataan, mesin-mesin dan generator-genarator berat, kereta api dan sebagainya). Selain itu dalam beberapa tahun terakhir ini India juga telah berhasil mencukupi kebutuhannya sendiri akan bahan-bahan pangan.             Disamping prestasi-prestasinya tersebut, India masih menghadapi berbagai tantangan dalam pengintegrasian nasional, seperti usaha penerapan bahasa Hindi sebagai bahasa nasional, pertentangan komunal (Hindu-Muslim) dan bahkan pertentangan antar kasta yang belum kunjung selesai.             Sejak kemerdekaannya, India beberapa kali mengalami konflik bersenjata dengan negara-negara tetangganya, yaitu a.l. dengan RRC tahun 1962 mengenai soal perbatasan dan dengan Pakistan tahun 1971 yang berakhir dengan perubahan status Pakistan Timur menjadi negara Bangladesh.          

   Usaha-usaha dan aktivitas diplomatiknya (Konferensi Asia-Afrika, Non-Aligned Movement, peranananya di PBB, dsb.nya) telah berhasil menempatkan India sebagai salah satu negara terkemuka dalam Dunia Ketiga.  II. Pendidikan              Sebelum tahun 1976, pendidikan sama sekali merupakan tanggung jawab Negara-Negara Bagian (Pemerintah Daerah), sedangkan Pemerintah Pusat hanya mengurus bagian-bagian tertentu seperti koordinasi, penentuan standar pendidikan teknik dan menengah dan sebagainya. Pada tahun 1976, melalui suatu Amandemen UUD, pendidikan menjadi tanggung jawab bersama antara Pemerintah Pusat dengan Pemerintah Negara-Negara Bagian. Akan tetapi tanggung jawab utama tetap berada di tangan Negara Bagian.  

A. Kebijakan Nasional dan Perencanaan  

            Kebijakan Pendidikan Nasional tahun 1968 telah diterima sebagai suatu kerangka kebijakan nasional untuk pengembangan pendidikan pada semua tingkat dan didukung oleh garis-garis besar pendidikan yang termaktub dalam Repelita VI.             Program-program yang tercantum dalam Kebijakan Pendidikan Nasional tersebut dilaksanakan oleh Pemerintah Pusat dan Pemerintah Negara-Negara Bagian dengan modifikasi dan penyesuaian disana-sini sesuai dengan perubahan zaman. Yang terpenting dari program-program itu ialah usaha-usaha untuk menguniversalisasikan pendidikan dasar dan pemberantasan buta huruf pada orang dewasa.             Perencanaan pendidikan dilakukan bersama-sama oleh Pemerintah Pusat dan Pemerintah Negara Bagian. Dalam lima Repelita sebelumnya, pendidikan lebih banyak ditujukan sebagai suatu dinas sosial dan bukan untuk membantu menunjang gerak pembangunan. Perubahan dilakukan pada Repelita VI dimana pendidikan dianggap sebagai suatu hal yang penting untuk menunjang pembangunan ekonomi dan sosial melalui pengembangan sumber daya manusia. Dalam Repelita VI tersebut, pendidikan untuk golongan masyarakat lemah dan penduduk suku-suku terasing dan kasta rendah juga diberikan prioritas. Prioritas juga diberikan untuk meningkatkan mutu pendidikan, khususnya pendidikan teknis dan menengah, vokasiolisasi pendidikan, pengembangan bahasa-bahasa daerah, evaluasi hasil-hasil yang dicapai dan menciptakan hubungan yang dinamis antara program pendidikan, kesehatan, kesejahteraan social dan penciptaan lapangan kerja.  B. Pendidikan Dasar dan Menengah 

            Prioritas tertinggi diberikan untuk pemerataan pendidikan dasar. Di sekolah-sekolah yang dikelola oleh Pemerintah dan sekolah-sekolah yang dikelola oleh badan pendidikan setempat, pendidikan diberikan secara gratis mulai dari kelas I sampai kelas VIII (mulai dari kelas I SD sampai kelas II SMP di Indonesia).             Pendidikan gratis juga diberikan Pemerintah sampai tingkat Menengah Pertama (kelas X). Di beberapa Negara Bagian, Pemerintah setempat juga memberikan pendidikan gratis untuk tingkat Menengah Atas (kelas XI dan kelas XII).  C. Pendidikan Tinggi            

Di India terdapat 182 universitas dan sejumlah lembaga-lembaga perguruan tinggi yang berstatus disamakan dengan universitas. Semua universitas dan lembaga tersebut berada dibawah University Grants Commission yang didirikan tahun 1953 untuk memajukan dan mengkoordinir pendidikan di perguruan tinggi, menentukan standar pengajaran, ujian-ujian dan riset. Komisi ini juga mempunyai wewenang untuk menetapkan anggaran dan bantuan keuangan bagi semua universitas.   

D. Penyediaan Buku-Buku             Penyediaan buku-buku teks untuk sekolah-sekolah dan universitas dan buku-buku bacaan yang bermanfaat dengan harga yang relatif murah diurus oleh suatu badan yang disebut dengan National Book Trust (NTB) yang dibentuk oleh Kementerian Pendidikan pada tahun 1957. Badan ini juga menerbitkan buku-buku dalam bahasa Inggris dan dalam bahasa-bahasa daerah di India. Sebagai salah satu usaha untuk menyediakan buku-buku dengan harga murah, khususnya buku ilmu pengetahuan, pendidikan dan teknik, Pemerintah India membebaskan buku-buku tersebut dari lisensi.  III. Belajar di Perguruan Tinggi India  A. Informasi Umum  

Secara umum lama masa belajar di India untuk program S-1 (Bachelor Degree) hanya ditempuh dalam waktu 3 tahun kecuali jurusan Hukum dan Arsitektur selama 5 tahun (10 semester), jurusan Engineering dan Teknologi, jurusan Seni Lukis dan jurusan Kedokteran Gigi selama 4 tahun. Bagi anda yang mengikuti program S-1 pada jurusan-jurusan ilmu sosial, humaniora dan eksakta tidak dibebani dengan penulisan skripsi. Adapun untuk program S-2 (Master Degree) ditempuh dalam waktu 2 tahun. Sedangkan untuk program S-3 lamanya maksimal 5 tahun.             Sebelum masuk ke Perguruan Tinggi di India, terlebih dahulu anda harus mendaftarkan diri dengan mengisi formulir pendaftaran yang disediakan oleh pihak universitas dan melampirkan dokumen-dokumen yang dibutuhkan, kemudian anda harus mengikuti ujian masuk atau Entrance Test (tulisan dan wawancara) yang diadakan oleh pihak universitas.              Permasalahannya, untuk mengikuti ujian masuk ini, Kedutaan Besar Republik India di Jakarta atau Konsulat Jenderal Republik India di Medan biasanya tidak mengeluarkan Visa Pelajar (Student Visa) kepada calon pelajar asing yang akan mengikuti ujian masuk ini sebelum anda tercatat menjadi mahasiswa di salah-satu Perguruan Tinggi di India. Karena itu bila anda datang ke India dengan menggunakan Visa Masuk (Entry Visa) hanya untuk mengikuti ujian masuk saja, dan kemudian dinyatakan lulus dan diterima untuk belajar di universitas di India, maka anda harus kembali lagi ke Indonesia untuk memperoleh Visa Pelajar (Student Visa) dari Kedutaan Besar Republik India di Jakarta atau Konsulat Jenderal Republik India di Medan.             Bahasa pengantar yang digunakan dalam proses belajar-mengajar di Perguruan Tinggi India adalah bahasa Inggris, Hindi, Urdu, dan bahasa Arab bagi anda yang mengambil jurusan Bahasa Arab. Karena itu, we are – foreigners – assumed to have sufficient knowledge and skill in English, if not, it’ll be on our own risk.  B. Kualifikasi Yang Dibutuhkan 

Bila anda bermaksud untuk melamar program S-1, maka anda sudah harus lulus dan memiliki ijazah SMA atau sederajat yang sah dan diakui oleh Pemerintah Indonesia. Dan anda juga sudah harus lulus dan memiliki ijazah S-1 dari universitas atau Perguruan Tinggi yang sah dan diakui oleh Pemerintah Indonesia untuk memenuhi persyaratan melamar S-2 di Perguruan Tinggi India.               Anda juga harus mengisi formulir pendaftaran yang disediakan oleh pihak universitas yang bersangkutan dilengkapi dengan Ijazah, referensi transkrip nilai akademik, Surat Keterangan Berkelakuan Baik dari pihak universitas, Akte Kelahiran (semua dokumen tersebut sudah diterjemahkan kedalam bahasa Inggris), foto kopi paspor dan pas photo ukuran 4×6 sebanyak 12 lembar dan biaya administrasi pendaftaran lebih kurang USD $ 75/- (sekitar Rp. 750.000/-). Perlu diingat bahwa masing-masing universitas menetapkan biaya administrasi pendaftaran yang berbeda-beda.  D. Waktu Mengajukan Pendaftaran 

            Pembukaan pendaftaran belajar di universitas-universitas di India biasanya dimulai pada pertengahan bulan Maret dan ditutup pada bulan Mei setiap tahunnya, dengan demikian anda harus mengikuti perkembangan informasi tentang pembukaan dan penutupan pendaftaran untuk masing-masing universitas yang dapat anda peroleh melalui situs-situs atau website universitas yang bersangkutan. Catat baik-baik tanggal batas akhir penutupan pendaftaran itu supaya anda tidak terlambat untuk mengajukan lamaran. Untuk mendapatkan alamat situs atau website universitas di India, anda saya sarankan untuk meng-google-nya melalui internet.  E. Cara Pendaftaran Bagi Mahasiswa Asing  Setiap universitas memiliki prosedur yang berbeda-beda dalam menerima mahasiswa asing. Sebagian besar universitas-universitas di India mensyaratkan adanya ujian masuk bagi mahasiswa asing yang hendak belajar di universitas tersebut. Namun ada juga beberapa universitas yang tidak mensyaratkan adanya ujian masuk ini, seperti University of Delhi di New Delhi dan Aligarh Muslim University di Aligarh. Beberapa universitas juga memberikan kesempatan kepada mahasiswa asing untuk belajar di universitas tersebut tanpa harus mengikuti ujian masuk baik tulisan maupun wawancara. Seperti contoh, Jamia Millia Islamia di New Delhi menyebutnya dengan kategori “Supernumerary Seats” dan Jawaharlal Nehru University di New Delhi menyebutnya dengan kategori “Absentia”.             Anda boleh menulis surat ke universitas yang menawarkan program studi yang diminati dan kemudian meminta formulir pendaftaran tersebut melalui Admissin Section atau Foreign Students Adviser universitas yang anda tuju. Formulir pendaftaran juga dapat anda download dari situs atau website universitas. Isi formulir pendaftaran tersebut secara benar dan lengkapi dengan persyaratan-persyaratan seperti yang tertera diatas tadi, kemudian kirimkan kembali ke Admissin Section atau Foreign Students Adviser universitas yang anda lamar itu sebelum batas akhir penutupan pendaftaran.             Bila anda sudah memenuhi semua kualifikasi yang dibutuhkan dan dinyatakan lulus untuk mengikuti program pendidikan di India, maka pihak universitas akan mengirimkan surat “Provisional Admission” kepada anda dan surat inilah yang harus anda bawa ke Kedutaan Besar Republik India di Jakarta atau Konsulat Jenderal Republik India di Medan untuk memperoleh Visa Pelajar.              Cara lain untuk melamar pendidikan di India adalah dengan mengirimkan semua dokumen-dokumen anda dan biaya administrasi pendaftaran lebih kurang USD $ 75/- (sekitar Rp. 750.000/-) kepada Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia (PPI) India pada bulan Januari dan Pebruari (sebelum masa pembukaan pendaftaran) setiap tahunnya dan PPI India akan meneruskan lamaran anda ke universitas yang dituju. Jangan lupa untuk menyebutkan nama orang tua dan pekerjaan orang tua, alamat rumah dan alamat korespondensi serta nomor telepon dan alamat email. Informasi mengenai apakah anda diterima atau tidak oleh pihak universitas akan disampaikan oleh PPI India kepada anda pada bulan Juli dan Agustus.  IV. Biaya Pendidikan di India 

  1. Biaya Sendiri

            Masing-masing universitas menetapkan biaya pendidikan yang berbeda-beda. Secara umum, mahasiswa asing yang mengambil program S-1 dan S-2 pada jurusan-jurusan ilmu sosial dan humaniora hanya dikenai biaya pendidikan sebesar USD $ 500/- atau sekitar Rp. 5.000.000/- per tahun. Sedangkan untuk jurusan-jurusan profesional di Aligarh Muslim University berkisar antara USD $ 1.000/- hingga USD $ 2.000/- per tahun. Jawaharlal Nehru University menetapkan USD $ 750/- per semester bagi mahasiswa asing yang mengambil jurusan-jurusan ilmu sosial dan USD $ 850/- bagi mereka yang mengambil jurusan-jurusan professional.  B. Beasiswa Pemerintah India  Pemerintah India juga memberikan beasiswa melalui program Indian Council for Cultural Relation (ICCR), dan beasiswa ini diberikan kepada seluruh pelajar yang berasal dari berbagai negara termasuk Indonesia. Adapun cara untuk memperoleh beasiswa ini, terlebih dahulu anda harus mendapatkan formulir beasiswa yang tersedia pada Atase Pendidikan dan Informasi, Kedutaan Besar Republik India di Jakarta dan di Konsulat Jenderal Republik India di Medan. Pembukaan pendaftaran beasiswa tersebut biasanya di mulai dari bulan Januari hingga pertengahan Pebruari setiap tahunnya. Bila anda belajar di India disponsori oleh Pemerintah India, maka semua biaya pendidikan ditanggung sepenuhnya oleh Pemerintah India kecuali biaya transportasi anda dari Indonesia ke India dan biaya transportasi dari India kembali ke tanah air.   V. Konsentrasi Pelajar Indonesia Universitas- universitas yang menjadi tempat konsentrasi belajar mahasiswa dan mahasiswi Indonesia selama ini adalah Delhi University di New Delhi; Jamia Millia Islamia di New Delhi; Jawaharlal Nehru University di New Delhi; Jamia Hamdard di New Delhi; Aligarh Muslim University di Aligarh, Uttar Paradesh (UP); Lucknow University di Lucknow (UP); Agra University di Agra (UP); Indian Istitute of Technology (IIT) Roorkee di Roorkee (UP); Bangalore University di Bangalore; Hyderabad University di Hyderabad; dan Pune University di Pune.   Bahan Bacaan: 

  1. Chandra, Bipan, and Mukherjee, Mridula, and Mukherjee, Aditya. India After Independence 1947-2000. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2000.
  2. Foreign Students Outlook, Vol. I Issue I 2004-2005. New Delhi: Jamia Millia Islamia, 2004.
  3. Iqbal Khanam. “India’s Policy of Non-Aligment and National Security,” Indian Journal of Politics, XVI, 3-4. Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1982.
  4. Republik India: Basic Info 1986. New Delhi: KBRI New Delhi.
  5. Special Information Bulletin 2006-2007. Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 2006.

Ket. Foto: Penulis (kiri) bersama rekan-rekan PPI lainnya dalam acara Halal Bihalal di Hari Raya Idul Fitri 1427 H.


Oleh: Pan Mohamad Faiz[1] 

“I must say that illiteracy and poverty are the biggest crimes on earth. And their eradication is the most challenging task. Today what we need is political will. The judiciary supposed to be can awake and strengthen this political will by directing the executive to fulfill the constitutional obligation. It is incumbent on the state and it must be urged to do it. Nothing is more necessary for self-esteem than an educated nation. If we are strong in will, it is not too late to seek a newer world”. 

            Mengatakan bahwa agenda kebangsaan terakbar terletak pada pendidikan, bukanlah sesuatu yang tanpa alasan atau mengada-ada, melainkan didasarkan pada fakta bahwa seluruh sektor kehidupan bangsa merupakan concern sumber daya manusia (human resource) yang dihasilkan dari output dunia pendidikan. Oleh karenanya, semenjak negara Indonesian berdiri, founding fathers bangsa ini sudah menanamkan semangat dan tekad untuk memperjuangkan keadilan bagi seluruh warga negara, termasuk di dalamnya untuk memperoleh hak pendidikan yang layak dan mumpuni. Cita-cita luhur tersebut kemudian dituangkan ke dalam rumusan mukaddimah UUD 1945 sebagai salah satu tujuan didirikannya Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (het doel van de staat), yaitu untuk “mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa”. 


Krisis multidimensional yang melanda Indonesia telah membuka mata kita terhadap mutu Sumber Daya Manusia (SDM)
Indonesia, dan secara tidak langsung juga merujuk pada mutu pendidikan yang menghasilkan SDM itu sendiri. Meskipun sudah merdeka lebih dari setengah abad, akan tetapi mutu pendidikan Indonesia dapat dikatakan masih sangat rendah dan memprihatinkan.
Berdasarkan laporan yang dikeluarkan oleh UNDP pada Human Development Report 2005, ternyata Indonesia menduduki peringkat 110 dari 177 negara di dunia. Bahkan yang lebih mencemaskan, peringkat tersebut justru sebenarnya semakin menurun dari tahun-tahun sebelumnya, di mana pada tahun 1997 HDI Indonesia berada pada peringkat 99, lalu menjadi peringkat 102 pada tahun 2002, dan kemudian merosot kembali menjadi peringkat 111 pada tahun 2004.             Begitu pula dari berbagai data perbandingan antar negara dalam hal anggaran pendidikan yang diterbitkan oleh UNESCO dan Bank Dunia dalam “The World Bank (2004): Education in Indonesia, Indonesia adalah negara yang terendah dalam hal pembiayaan pendidikan. Pada tahun 1992, menurut UNESCO, pada saat Pemerintah India menanggung pembiayaan pendidikan 89% dari keperluan, Indonesia hanya menyediakan 62,8% dari keperluan dana bagi penyelenggaraan pendidikan nasionalnya.  



Pendidikan merupakan kebutuhan sepanjang hayat. Setiap manusia membutuhkan pendidikan, sampai kapan pun dan di mana pun ia berada. Pendidikan sangat penting artinya, sebab tanpa pendidikan manusia akan sulit berkembang dan bahkan akan terbelakang.

Profesor Toshiko Kinosita, Guru Besar Universitas Waseda Jepang, mengemukakan bahwa sumber daya manusia
Indonesia masihlah sangat lemah untuk mendukung perkembangan industri dan ekonomi. Penyebab dasarnya karena pemerintah
Indonesia selama ini tidak pernah menempatkan pendidikan sebagai prioritas terpenting.      
Bagi para penganut teori “human capital”, sebagaimana dideskripsikan oleh Walter W. McMahon dan Terry G. Geske dalam bukunya yang berjudul “Financing Education: Overcoming Inefficiency and Inequity”, bahwa nilai penting pendidikan adalah suatu investasi sumber daya manusia yang dengan sendirinya akan memberi manfaat moneter ataupun non-moneter. Oleh karena itu, penting sekali sebagai negara berkembang seperti Indonesia untuk menentukan metode yang terbaik bagi dunia pendidikannya, yaitu dengan jalan invest in man not in building”, sebagaimana telah dibuktikan hasilnya oleh negara Jepang, India, Korea Selatan, Taiwan, ataupun Malaysia sekalipun dalam dua dekade belakangan ini.



            Satu dari sekian masalah utama namun klasik yang selalu membelit sistem pendidikan di Indonesia adalah rendahnya anggaran pendidikan yang disediakan oleh negara dan hal tersebut diyakini sebagian kalangan sebagai akar utama buruknya pendidikan nasional. Alokasi dana yang rendah untuk pendidikan, di mana penganggaran selalu dialokasikan dibawah 10% dari APBN, dinilai sebagai cermin tidak adanya political will pemerintah terhadap dunia pendidikan. Padahal dalam Pasal 31 ayat (4) UUD 1945, secara jelas pemerintah mempunyai suatu kewajiban konstitusi (constitutional obligation) untuk memprioritaskan anggaran pendidikan sekurang-kurangnya 20% dari APBN dan APBD guna memenuhi kebutuhan penyelenggaraan pendidikan nasional. Demikian pula ditegaskan kembali dalam UU organiknya yaitu UU No. 20 Tahun 2003 tentang SISDIKNAS bahwa dana pendidikan selain gaji pendidik dan biaya pendidikan kedinasan harus dialokasikan minimal 20% dari APBN pada sektor pendidikan dan minimal 20% dari APBD.

            Masyarakat yang skeptis memandang nasib pendidikan saat ini sebenarnya telah berupaya menembus tembok kemandegan penganggaran bagi pendidikan yang tidak sejalan dengan amanah Pasal 31 UUD 1945. Hal itu mereka tempuh dengan upaya melakukan proses judicial review sebanyak dua kali kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi, yaitu terhadap UU APBN 2005 dan UU APBN 2006. Terjadinya permohonan Judicial Review atas pemenuhan hak-hak asasi manusia yang bersifat fundamental tersebut haruslah kita katakan sebagai pertanda bahwa telah terjadi suatu permasalahan yang sangat krusial, bahkan Mark Elliot dalam bukunya “The Constitutional Foundations” memaknai judicial review sebagai tindakan warga negara dalam mencari keadilan yang hakiki yang tidak boleh dianggap sepele oleh siapa pun.

Alhasil, pendapat MK terhadap kebijakan pemerintah yang hanya mengalokasikan anggaran pendidikan dalam APBN sebesar 8,1 % pada tahun 2005 dan 9,1 % pada tahun 2006 dianggap bertentangan dengan UUD 1945 (inkonstitusional) karena tidak sesuai dengan amanat Pasal 31 ayat (4) UUD 1945. Ketentuan tersebut dikuatkan lewat putusannya No. 012/PUU-III/2005 bertanggal 5 Oktober 2005 dan No. 026/PUU-III/2005 bertanggal 22 Maret 2006 yang pada intinya menyatakan bahwa keberadaan Pasal 31 UUD 1945 mempunyai sifat imperatif (dwingend recht) yang tidak dapat dielakkan selama masih tercantum dalam UUD 1945.

Begitu pula dalam Putusannya Nomor 011/PUU-III/2005, Mahkamah menegaskan bahwa pada hakikatnya pelaksanaan Konstitusi tidak boleh ditunda-tunda. Itu pula sebabnya, MK menyatakan Penjelasan Pasal 49 ayat (1) Undang-Undang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional yang membuat norma baru dengan menyatakan bahwa pemenuhan anggaran pendidikan dapat dilakukan secara bertahap tidak mempunyai kekuatan hukum mengikat. Jikapun pemerintah diperbolehkan, quot non, melakukan pemenuhan anggaran pendidikan secara bertahap, faktanya pun sudah melenceng jauh dari skenario progresif pemenuhan anggaran pendidikan yang disepakati bersama oleh DPR dan Pemerintah pada tanggal 4 Juli 2005 yang lalu. Padahal, skenario itu hanya menetapkan kenaikan bertahap 2,7 persen per tahun hingga 2009, dengan rincian kenaikan 6,6% (2004), 9,29% (2005), 12,01% (2006), 14,68% (2007), 17,40% (2008), dan 20,10% (2009).

            Terkait dengan alokasi anggaran pendidikan pada tahun 2007, Menteri Keuangan mengatakan bahwa Pemerintah hanya akan menaikkan anggaran pendidikan maksimal menjadi 10 persen dari APBN. Hal itupun ditegaskan kembali oleh Presiden SBY dalam pidatonya beberapa waktu lalu dihadapan anggota DPR dan DPD bahwa pada tahun 2007 nanti sektor pendidikan hanya akan mendapatkan alokasi sebesar 10,3 persen dari total belanja pemerintah pusat. Rencana kebijakan tersebut diambil dengan berlindung pada salah satu argumentasi utama bahwa pemerintah sudah mendasarkan komitmen untuk tidak menaikkan tarif dasar listrik (TDL) untuk periode 2006 sehingga anggaran pendidikan tidak dapat seluruhnya dipenuhi. Menjadi pertanyaan kita bersama, hanya inikah alternatif solusi yang ditawarkan oleh Pemerintah guna mengatasi krisis pendidikan nasional?

Rencana menaikkan alokasi anggaran pendidikan sekedarnya guna menghindar ”vonis mati” dari Mahkamah Konstitusi telah mencerminkan bahwa Pemerintah tidak cukup serius dalam melaksanakan amanat UUD 1945 dan harus dipandang tidak sesuai dengan semangat UUD 1945 (the spirit of constitution). Dengan kata lain, penulis sangat yakin jika komitmen pemerintah terhadap dunia pendidikan tidak kunjung berubah, maka masih akan terjadi pelanggaran konstitusi secara berjamaah pada tahun-tahun anggaran mendatang dan bisa dipastikan akan kembali terjadi krisis konstitusi yang berakibat pada turunnya kepercayaan masyarakat, khususnya kalangan terpelajar dan akademisi, terhadap legitimasi Pemerintah saat ini.



            David N. Plank dan William Lowe Boyd (1994) dalam Antipolitics, Education, and Institutional Choise: The Flight From Democracy mengatakan bahwasanya antara pemerintah yang demokratis, politik pendidikan, pilihan institusi, serta antipolitik berkorelasi dengan tercapainya tujuan pendidikan yang selaras dengan kepentingan publik. Melalui analisis tersebut, kita bisa belajar bahwa dalam masyarakat modern, sebenarnya institusi pendidikan diharapkan menyelaraskan dengan tujuan dan kepentingan publik lewat tangan para pakar pendidikan. Namun realitanya berbicara lain, justru yang sering terjadi adalah konflik berkepanjangan karena kepentingan politiklah yang dominan bermain. Adakah sesuatu yang disembunyikan dalam hal ini? Patut rasanya jika kita meresapi dalam-dalam makna dari pendapat Henry Peter yang mengatakan,“Good education will makes people easy to lead, but difficult to drive; easy to govern, but impossible to enslave”.

            Perjalanan bangsa Indonesia setelah reformasi, bahkan jauh sebelumnya, tidak pernah terasa memiliki arah yang jelas. Para ahli mengeluh bahwa pendidikan dan kebudayaan tidak pernah menjadi panglima di negeri ini, sementara negara-negara berkembang lainnya melesat maju karena pendidikan diberikan tempat yang  teramat penting di negara-negara tersebut. Pembangunan pendidikan Indonesia yang sungguh-sungguh dan berkelanjutan tidak bisa harus dimulai dari sebuah visi dan komitmen yang bulat yang bisa dijadikan pedoman oleh perancang pembangunan dan masyarakat luas.

            Oleh karena itu, issue mengenai anggaran pendidikan merupakan salah satu elemen penting untuk meningkatkan kualitas pendidikan nasional. Namun, masih ada di antara kita yang kesadarannya untuk memenuhi tuntutan yuridis formal terbentur oleh berbagai dalih dan menomorduakan anggaran pendidikan. Di samping itu, konsistensi tinggi dari seluruh jajaran birokrat yang terlibat dalam jalur pendidikan, khususnya pada manajerial Departemen Pendidikan Nasional, akan dapat menyelamatkan keuangan negara. Sehingga tidak akan lagi terjadi sisa anggaran yang mencapai ratusan miliar rupiah, inefisiensi dalam penggunaan dana, serta korupsi dan kolusi yang total mencapai triliunan rupiah sebagaimana laporan hasil audit yang dilakukan BPK setiap tahunnya.




            Dari deskripsi di atas, kinerja pendidikan nasional Indonesia memang buruk dan memprihatinkan. Salah satu sumber utama penyebab itu semua dikarenakan kurangnya political will dari para pemimpin bangsa ini. Sektor pendidikan di Indonesia sudah sangat tertinggal, sehingga sudah waktunya pendidikan harus menjadi prioritas utama pembangunan.

            Mengingat akar masalahnya bukan sekedar pada alokasi anggaran pendidikan, maka seruan untuk melakukan perbaikan bukan hanya menyangkut soal terpenuhinya alokasi dana 20 persen dari APBN/APBD, tetapi yang tidak kalah penting adalah membangun kesadaran, komitmen, dan kemauan bersama dalam memajukan pendidikan Indonesia. Besarnya peranan Pendidikan bagi kemajuan suatu bangsa, maka bagaimanapun juga – disadari atau pun tidak – hanya melalui pintu atau saluran pendidikanlah bangsa kita diharapkan dapat bangkit dari keterpurukan krisis multidimensional, dan kemudian menata ulang (redesaigning) rancang-bangun kehidupan berbangsa, membangun karakter bangsa (character building) atas dasar kearifan dan identitas tradisi lokal dan melanjutkan estafet pembangunan bangsa (nation building), terlebih di era globalisasi yang menunjukkan semakin ketatnya kompetisi negara-negara di seluruh dunia.

            Agar di masa depan kinerja pendidikan nasional dapat diperbaiki maka amat diperlukan sebuah komitmen. Para pemimpin negara, siapa pun orangnya, harus memiliki sense of education yang memadai dengan komitmen tinggi memajukan pendidikan Indonesia.

[1] Penulis adalah Wakil Ketua Umum Dewan Pimpinan Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia (DP PPI – India),  Mahasiswa Program Master of Comparative Law pada Faculty of Law, University of Delhi dan Program Master of Political Science pada IGNOU, New Delhi. (Law Blog at

Affirmation of Diversity through Political Contract

By Ahmad Qisa’i


Pluralisme politik merupakan tipe pemerintahan partisipatori dimana politik negara tersebut didefinisikan berdasarkan kebutuhan dan keinginan banyak orang. Pluralisme politik adalah pemerintahan dari rakyat, oleh rakyat dan untuk rakyat. Dalam lingkungan politik yang plural tidak ada mayoritas atau minoritas, dan ide dasar pemerintah dapat dilihat dari ide-ide individu dan grup untuk memastikan bahwa semua kebutuhan dan keinginan dari masyarakat terpenuhi. Jadi, dalam politik masyarakat plural toleransi dan saling hormat menghormati atas perbedaan pendapat cenderung berkembang dengan mudah sebagai cara untuk mengakomodasi perbedaan aspirasi. 

Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) argued in his famous book Leviathan that all humans are driven by two and only two impulses: fear of death and desire for power. If left unchecked, human beings would act on these impulses and live violent, brutish, inhumane, and solitary lives.

Living in a society, which is diverse, complex and multi faceted is quite tricky and complicated at a time. Every member in the society must understand the nature of diversity and heterogeneity in it. Mutual respect and tolerance are the keys of successful co-existence in such diversity. The absence of these features would only lead to chaos and anarchy. Violence and anger would dominate the nature of relation among its members. Various bloody conflicts throughout human history are clear examples of this phenomenon. The tendency of each and every member in the society to resort to certain forceful method of personal assertion to achieve his/her intention only aggravates the matter. And to use the words of Thomas Hobbes, this situation is known as the “state of nature” which is brutish, solitary, violent and anarchist.

To avoid this unfortunate situation, according to Hobbes, all members in the society must collectively participate in the social contract that will guarantee the security and community. Hobbes did not care what form this single rule might take, whether a monarch or a dictator, as long as the society is kept together. This Hobbesian social contract could not be revised and if people attempt to regain some measure of sovereignty or power that has been lost in the contract, society will fall into violent chaos.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), however, radically revised Hobbes’ social contract. He proposed that the people agreed to cede authority to some group in order to gain the benefits of community and safety. If those in power refused to guarantee community and safety, the governed were free to disobey and establish a new political contract. While Hobbes believed in absolute rule, Rousseau believed that absolute rule was a perversion of the original intent of the primordial social contract. In his two famous works, The Social Contract and the Discourse on Inequality, Rousseau argued that modern human society is built on an imperfect social contract, because it fosters inequality and servitude. Thus there is a great need for a rebuilding of the social contract from the ground up in order to ensure equality and freedom.

To ensure this equality and freedom, all members in the society must accept the fact that human being is different in nature and diversity is natural. Acceptance of this kind of political contract that observes equality and freedom of individuals is in line with the concept of political pluralism in which diversity of human nature is celebrated as an utmost consequence of humanity. Political pluralism is the manifestation of the concept of unity in diversity. The aim of political pluralism is being ultimate in diversity.

Unfortunately, not all members in the society fully accept this fact and chose to stay away from it. At a time, they have their own concept and wish to implement it believing that their concept is more superior to the one agreed upon by the general populace. As a result clash of interest becomes unavoidable, a return to a Hobbesian state of nature. A lot of contemporary history of human relation, especially in a diverse, complex and multi faceted society, reflects this situation.

Let’s take a brief look at the history of violence in
India to reflect this phenomenon.

India is a diverse, complex and multi faceted country. But it is very unfortunate that from the very first day of Indian independent in August 1947, violence between different communities is not an uncommon phenomenon. The bloody Partition of British India into India and
Pakistan in 1947 saw millions of innocent people killed mercilessly. The rejection of the concept of an independent India as the home for all Indians regardless of their creed, color, sex, caste or any other distinctive social affiliation and the assertion that India or
Hindustan is the promised land for certain group of people belonging to certain creed and race group led to this tragedy. It is very unfortunate that such a Mahabharat should have taken place in human history just to satisfy the greed and lust of certain personalities.

Fast forward, this bloody tragedy in the 1947 was repeated in a secular, democratic and independent India meant for all Indians regardless of their creed, color, sex, caste or any other distinctive social affiliation. There were bloody clashes in the early 1990s and early 2000. The main reason is the same:
India is meant for a certain group of people belonging to certain creed and race group. People outside of this group must go, expelled or be punished if they insist on staying and living in India. Once again, the victims in these clashes were innocent lives, trapped between the conflicting factions.

This tragic cycle of humanitarian tragedy, however, does not belong to India alone. Diverse, complex and multi faceted societies around the globe experience this tragedy at one point of their national history. It is not uncommon in these kinds of societies to have clashes of interest involving different groups in their societies. Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, just to name a few, have had their own version of communal tragedy at one point of their national history. This phenomenon is unfortunate but it really has occurred, not once but repeatedly.

One thing should be noted here, however, that even though there was some kind of cycle of humanitarian tragedy in the form of communal conflict and clash of interest in these societies, they remain united as an entity. The diversity in these societies does not somehow hinder their desire to remain united. They are united in diversity.

However, I have a little doubt that this ‘myth’ of unity in diversity will remain forever. The fact that there is now a continuing pressure from certain groups in these societies to abhor diversity and to enforce uniformity is quite an irony. The fundamentalist groups in the majority community in these diverse societies seem to prefer the idea of uniformity instead of unity in diversity. And if they succeed in their propaganda of uniformity, it would a tragic end for the idea of political pluralism, the idea of unity in diversity.

How do we preserve this idea of unity in diversity amidst the increasing pressures of those groups who advocate uniformity? Isn’t there any method or concept that might be used to save innocent lives from this situation?

In the beginning of this article, I quoted Thomas Hobbes’ description of the state of nature: brutish, solitary, violent and anarchist. Driven by fear and lust of power, it is natural for any human being to satisfy his/her personal desire regardless of any objection and contradictory reaction from others.

The ambitious, egoistic desire of human being reflect those groups of people who advocate uniformity amidst diversity and the rejection and objection of others perfectly describe the natural diversity of human beings. They have diverse interests yet they feel vulnerable at a time. This clash of interests can be described as the state of nature, which is unfortunate but not unavoidable. It can be prevented through a social contract, which will guarantee the freedom, equality, security as well as the community of the members in the contract.

According to Rousseau’s concept of social contract, the participants are allowed to enjoy security and community without losing his/her liberty and individuality. The contract is not an absolute contract as the one proposed by Thomas Hobbes. Rousseau’s concept of social contract is more flexible in nature and it can be revised from time to time. The contract also ensures equality and freedom of the participants while at the same time the participants enjoy security and community. This kind of social contract, I assume, will guarantee the diversity of a pluralistic society. The contract acts as a platform for political pluralism to achieve unity in diversity. Rousseau’s social contract allows the participants to define the shared values that will preserve the diversity of its participants while at the same time they can enjoy the benefit of protection from the contract.

But what are these shared values in this contract anyway? How do these men come to an agreement of these shared values when they are egoistic and greedy?

The shared values vary from one community to the other. But I believe that all of us agree that there is one common universal value that is acceptable, regardless of our creed, sex, race, caste or any other distinctive social affiliation. Moreover, even though men are egoistic and greedy in nature, but they also have that natural instinct as a social being in which the rational thought works to the service of their fellow beings. So it is not an improbability for them to actually act and think rationally for the benefit of his/her fellow beings and sacrifice their personal greed.

Let’s take for an example democracy as one social value that we all share.

Broadly speaking, in democracy, all members have interests that are affected by collective decisions. Everyone is capable of reaching a view about what the best of least bad decision would be, both for themselves and for the association or society as a whole. The best decisions over the long run will be ones where all such views have been publicly aired and debated. And where debate and discussion fail to produce a single agreed outcome, decisions should be taken by a vote of all participating members. Finally, the principle of ‘one person, one vote, one value’ reflects a wider conception that all persons are of equal worth.

If we can agree that democracy is the minimal common shared value, we can create a common platform for the political contract to accommodate the diversity in the society with the help of other factors like secularism, social justice as well as humanitarianism. This common platform will act as the middle path or the core value of interaction between individuals that will accommodate the diversity of interests in the society. It will balance the pulls and pressures from the diverse elements in the society. It is on the basis of such common platform that regardless of countless conflicts, a communally divided country like India is capable to stay united. The social contract signed by the Indian people in the form of its national Constitution has acted as the catalyst in preserving the unity of India’s diverse society. Moreover, this agreement has permitted the resolution of conflicts more peacefully.

In conclusion, human being is diverse in nature. They are also greedy, egoistic and always ambitious to achieve his/her goals regardless of rejection or objection from others. Driven by two impulses of fear of death and desire for power, human beings can sometimes act as destructive force when he/she must live in a society. The clash of interest between individuals in such a society leads into what we can describe as the Hobbesian state of nature: brutish, solitary, violent, and anarchist.

To avoid being in this kind of state of nature in perpetuity, human beings must realize that they have to accept their natural diversity. They must also formulate some kind of shared values that will act as a common platform of interaction between individuals that will accommodate the diversity of interest. They must formulate some kind of a social contract, a Rousseauan concept of social contract, in which they will be guaranteed safety, security and community without losing their liberty and equality. This kind of contract will preserve political pluralism in which there is an affirmation of diversity in the interests and beliefs of the citizenry. 

Political pluralism is a participatory type of government in which the politics of the country are defined by the needs and wants of many. Political pluralism is a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. In a politically pluralistic society there is no majority or minority and the basic ideas of government are seen through the ideas of individuals and groups to ensure that all the needs and wants of society are taken care of. Thus in a politically pluralistic society tolerance and mutual respect for divergent thinking tends to develop easily as a way to acdxcommodate the differences in aspiration. The experience of the Indian people who live under such type of contract is worth noted as a reflection of this affirmation of diversity.***